by Ganesh Sahathevan
The very nature of the NSC Bill requires that the Agong seek the agreement or consent of his brother rulers , individually, and collectively in the Conference Of Rulers, for he is being asked to agree to an abrogation of powers conferred upon them and their successors by the Federal Constitution (see article below).
The Agong holds office for a finite tern of 5 years after being elected to the position by his brother rulers, the nine sultans of the sultanates of Malaysia that comprise a significant part of the Federation of Malaysia. It cannot therefore be the case that while in office he can agree to anything that might adversely affect his brother rulers and their successors. An abrogation of powers without mutual agreement clearly could not have been in the contemplation of the sultans who agreed to the creation of the institution of the office of Agong of the Federation. It should be remembered that there is provision for the removal of the Agong by the decision of the Conference ofRulers.
END
For reference see also THE EMERGENCE OF A NEW FEDERATIONIN MALAYA by SIr Zelman Cowen
These excerpts from his article published in 1958 are provided below:
On August 31, 1957, the Federation of Malaya became an independent
state. It elected to remain within the British Commonwealth, though with
a unique status within that association. The constitution provides for the
election of a Supreme Head of the Federation, the Yang-di-Pertuan
Agong, who is elected for a five-year period by the Conference of Rulers
from among their number. The Conference of Rulers for the purpose
consists of the nine native rulers of the Malay States.
The executive authority of the Federation is vested in the Yang diPertuan
Agong, the Supreme Head of the Federation, though Parliament
is authorised to confer executive functions on other persons. The
constitutional machinery for the election of the Supreme Head is
designed to rotate the office among the rulers of the Malay states, and
the third schedule to the constitution ordains the procedure to be followed
by the Conference of Rulers in making an election. The election
is for a five-year term, and a deputy Supreme Head is also elected to
serve during any vacancy of office or while the Supreme Head is absent
from the Federation or is otherwise unable to act. During his term of
office the Supreme Head may not exercise his functions as a State Ruler,
other than those of Head of the Muslim religion. Provision is made for
the removal of the Supreme Head by the decision of the Conference of
Rulers.
Thursday, December 3, 2015
NSC Bill in breach of Federal Constitution, subverts authority of the Agong: Malays must decide if they will defend the man & the institution
by Ganesh Sahathevan
In defending the National Security Bill 2015, which seeks to rob the Duli Yang Maha Mulia Seri Paduka Baginda Yang Di-Pertuan Agong of his Constitutional right to declare a state of Emergency when he feels it is in the best interest of his subjects, Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department Datuk Seri Shahidan Kassim said:
“The prime minister is not declaring an emergency; he is declaring a security area. We are declaring specific security areas where there are threats to the public,”
The Malay Mail reported elaborating Shahidan's statement said:
Shahidan insisted that the provisions for declaring an emergency under the Federal Constitution deals with a large-scale crises, while the Bill deals with specific instances of threats to security in specific areas.
However, Article 150 of the Constitution of Malaysia clearly contemplates "specific instances" for it states:
Article 150
(1) If the Yang di-Pertuan Agong is satisfied that a grave emergency exists whereby the security, or the economic life, or public order in the Federation or any part thereof is threatened, he may issue a Proclamation of Emergency making therein a declaration to that effect.
(2) A Proclamation of Emergency under Clause (1) may be issued before the actual occurrence of the event which threatens the security, or the economic life, or public order in the Federation or any part thereof if the Yang di-Pertuan Agong is satisfied that there is imminent danger of the occurrence of such event.
The phrase "Federation or any part thereof" clearly demonstrates that the founding fathers and/or writers of the Constitution of the Federation of Malaysia had contemplated instances where the threat might be localized but of sufficient gravity to require a Proclamation of Emergency.
Even if the phrase "any part thereof" had not been included, assuming that the constitutional provisions with regards Emergency powers applied only to "large-scale crises" and not "specific instances" would be to insult ,at the highest order, the intelligence and common sense of those who formulated the Constitution.Indeed such an assumption is an insult to any thinking human being.
In fact, Section 150 (2A) contemplates that there would be a variety of circumstances that might require the Yang di-Pertuan Agong to proclaim a state of Emergency,and to proclaim it in a manner suited to the cirucumstances:
Article 150
(2A) The power conferred on the Yang di-Pertuan Agong by this Article shall include the power to issue different Proclamations on different grounds or in different circumstances, whether or not there is a Proclamation or Proclamations already issued by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong under Clause (1) and such Proclamation or Proclamations are in operation.
The above analysis is within the capability of a failed first year law student. That the Prime Minsister Dato Seri Najib Razak , Datuk Seri Shahidan Kassim, UMNO and Barisan Nasional MPs would dare put such an act forward, let alone vote it in, is an obvious affront to the authority of the Agong, as a man ,and his office. It is for Malays for whom the Agong is the primary protector of their identity as Malays. Muslims and Bumiputeras, to defend him and his office from parliamentarians who have obviously lost all regard for the man , office and those he represents. It is a matter of practicality , given the realities of modern Malaysia, that the non-Malay races can only support but never lead any effort to defend the Agong. The horrific consequences of not doing anything are beyond contemplation.
END
In defending the National Security Bill 2015, which seeks to rob the Duli Yang Maha Mulia Seri Paduka Baginda Yang Di-Pertuan Agong of his Constitutional right to declare a state of Emergency when he feels it is in the best interest of his subjects, Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department Datuk Seri Shahidan Kassim said:
“The prime minister is not declaring an emergency; he is declaring a security area. We are declaring specific security areas where there are threats to the public,”
The Malay Mail reported elaborating Shahidan's statement said:
Shahidan insisted that the provisions for declaring an emergency under the Federal Constitution deals with a large-scale crises, while the Bill deals with specific instances of threats to security in specific areas.
However, Article 150 of the Constitution of Malaysia clearly contemplates "specific instances" for it states:
Article 150
(1) If the Yang di-Pertuan Agong is satisfied that a grave emergency exists whereby the security, or the economic life, or public order in the Federation or any part thereof is threatened, he may issue a Proclamation of Emergency making therein a declaration to that effect.
(2) A Proclamation of Emergency under Clause (1) may be issued before the actual occurrence of the event which threatens the security, or the economic life, or public order in the Federation or any part thereof if the Yang di-Pertuan Agong is satisfied that there is imminent danger of the occurrence of such event.
The phrase "Federation or any part thereof" clearly demonstrates that the founding fathers and/or writers of the Constitution of the Federation of Malaysia had contemplated instances where the threat might be localized but of sufficient gravity to require a Proclamation of Emergency.
Even if the phrase "any part thereof" had not been included, assuming that the constitutional provisions with regards Emergency powers applied only to "large-scale crises" and not "specific instances" would be to insult ,at the highest order, the intelligence and common sense of those who formulated the Constitution.Indeed such an assumption is an insult to any thinking human being.
In fact, Section 150 (2A) contemplates that there would be a variety of circumstances that might require the Yang di-Pertuan Agong to proclaim a state of Emergency,and to proclaim it in a manner suited to the cirucumstances:
Article 150
(2A) The power conferred on the Yang di-Pertuan Agong by this Article shall include the power to issue different Proclamations on different grounds or in different circumstances, whether or not there is a Proclamation or Proclamations already issued by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong under Clause (1) and such Proclamation or Proclamations are in operation.
The above analysis is within the capability of a failed first year law student. That the Prime Minsister Dato Seri Najib Razak , Datuk Seri Shahidan Kassim, UMNO and Barisan Nasional MPs would dare put such an act forward, let alone vote it in, is an obvious affront to the authority of the Agong, as a man ,and his office. It is for Malays for whom the Agong is the primary protector of their identity as Malays. Muslims and Bumiputeras, to defend him and his office from parliamentarians who have obviously lost all regard for the man , office and those he represents. It is a matter of practicality , given the realities of modern Malaysia, that the non-Malay races can only support but never lead any effort to defend the Agong. The horrific consequences of not doing anything are beyond contemplation.
END
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