Saturday, February 3, 2018

Johari Ghani will not be recovering any SRC money deposited in Singapore, FINMA of Switzerland said so in 2016

by Ganesh Sahathevan


Finance Minister II Datuk Johari Abdul Ghani refuses to divulge details on plan to retrieve money in BSI. — File picFinance Minister II Datuk Johari Abdul Ghani refuses to divulge details on plan to retrieve money in BSI. — File pic


Switzerland's FINMA

In the context of the 1MDB case, the bank failed to adequately monitor relationships with a client group with around 100 accounts at the bank. Transactions were executed within the client group and with third parties without the bank adequately clarifying their commercial justification.
  • In one case involving a deposit of 20 million US dollars, for example, the bank was happy to accept the client's explanation that the funds involved were a "gift". In another case, an account was credited with more than 98 million US dollars without any effort to clarify its commercial background.
  • The bank executed transactions involving similar amounts even though in some cases the explanations and contractual documents obtained contradicted the purpose of the account as stated when it was opened.
  • Transactions were often generically justified on the basis of loan agreements, although the agreements provided no sufficient explanation of the real background to the transaction in question.
  • Finally, in many cases there were clear indications of pass-through transactions. In one case, 20 million US dollars were routed through a variety of accounts within the bank on the same day before eventually being transferred to another bank. Transactions of this kind are often a clear indication of money laundering. Nevertheless, the bank failed to properly document or carry out plausibility checks on these transactions or was happy to accept the explanation that the beneficial owner of all the accounts was the same person or that the transactions were being executed for "accounting purposes".




There is a plan to redeem SRC International's money stuck in BSI Bank Limited (BSI Bank), the Finance Ministry announced today.
Finance Minister II Datuk Johari Abdul Ghani, however, refused to divulge details on the plan and said it was a work in progress.
“SRC is also one of the companies we are facing a problem, so I don't want to elaborate details about that.
“Let the process of SRC trying to recover their money (happen) first. We are working out through various means to establish the money that has been deposited under BSI,” he told reporters on the sideline of an event today.
Malay Mail Online obtained a transcript of the press conference.
Johari explained that the money was stuck in BSI Bank as the bank is currently under probe in Singapore over links to funds from local state investment firm, 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB).
“I was told by the management of SRC that the money in BSI bank got frozen and therefore they cannot take back the money.


Clearly not just frozen but lost, for good.

END 


News

 
Press release

BSI in serious breach of money laundering regulations

Through business relationships and transactions linked to the corruption scandals surrounding the Malaysian sovereign wealth fund 1MDB, BSI AG committed serious breaches of money laundering regulations and “fit and proper” requirements. This is the outcome of enforcement proceedings launched by the Swiss Financial Market Supervisory Authority FINMA. In the case of 1MDB, the bank executed numerous large transactions with unclear purpose over a period of several years and, despite clearly suspicious indications, did not clarify the background to these transactions. Among other measures, FINMA has ordered the disgorgement of profits amounting to CHF 95 million. FINMA has also launched enforcement proceedings against two of the bank's former top managers. At the same time, FINMA announces its approval of the takeover of BSI by EFG International with the condition that BSI will be integrated and thereafter dissolved. This takeover is a positive development providing clients and employees with a perspective for the future.
FINMA launched enforcement proceedings against BSI in 2015 after indications that the bank had breached money laundering regulations. The problems related to business relationships and transactions in the context of the corruption scandal involving the Malaysian sovereign wealth fund 1MDB. FINMA investigated a large number of transactions, as well as the internal processes and organisational control functions at the bank. The proceedings were concluded in May 2016. FINMA also closed its investigation and sanctioned BSI's misconduct in the Petrobras case. In connection with the same two cases, FINMA has investigated more than twenty other Swiss banks and launched proceedings against six of those banks. 

1MDB: deliberate management decision

In the context of 1MDB, misconduct on the part of BSI was particularly serious. On numerous occasions, business relationships relating to 1MDB were discussed at top management level. This was particularly the case when at the end of 2013 FINMA highlighted to the bank the many serious risks inherent in the client relationships and pressed the bank for further clarification. Nevertheless, the bank's Board of Directors and Executive Board knowingly and repeatedly expressed their intention to continue with these financially lucrative client relationships without adequately clarifying the numerous clear risk indicators or controlling the said risks. 

BSI in breach of money laundering regulations  

In its proceedings against BSI, FINMA found serious shortcomings in the bank's anti-money laundering processes resulting from inadequate risk management and the failure of the internal control system. FINMA's findings are as follows: 
  • In the period from 2011 to April 2015, there were serious shortcomings in identifying transactions involving increased risk. These failures related in particular to business relationships with politically exposed persons (PEPs), the origin of whose assets was not sufficiently clarified, and whose dubious transactions involving hundreds of millions of US dollars were not satisfactorily scrutinised.  
  • The bank repeatedly, systematically and for an extended period breached its obligation to establish the necessary documentation for transactions with increased risks. 
  • In the context of 1MDB, the bank had business relationships with a range of sovereign wealth funds whose accounts were booked in both Singapore and Switzerland. The fact that this was BSI's largest and most profitable client group was reflected in the remuneration paid to the bank employees involved. 
  • The fees charged were above average and out of line with normal market rates. Senior management at the bank did not question why the sovereign wealth funds should use a private bank to provide institutional services and pay excessive out-of-market fees for doing so. 
  • In the context of the 1MDB case, the bank failed to adequately monitor relationships with a client group with around 100 accounts at the bank. Transactions were executed within the client group and with third parties without the bank adequately clarifying their commercial justification.
    • In one case involving a deposit of 20 million US dollars, for example, the bank was happy to accept the client's explanation that the funds involved were a "gift". In another case, an account was credited with more than 98 million US dollars without any effort to clarify its commercial background.
    • The bank executed transactions involving similar amounts even though in some cases the explanations and contractual documents obtained contradicted the purpose of the account as stated when it was opened.
    • Transactions were often generically justified on the basis of loan agreements, although the agreements provided no sufficient explanation of the real background to the transaction in question.
    • Finally, in many cases there were clear indications of pass-through transactions. In one case, 20 million US dollars were routed through a variety of accounts within the bank on the same day before eventually being transferred to another bank. Transactions of this kind are often a clear indication of money laundering. Nevertheless, the bank failed to properly document or carry out plausibility checks on these transactions or was happy to accept the explanation that the beneficial owner of all the accounts was the same person or that the transactions were being executed for "accounting purposes".
  • The bank executed substantial transactions for the foreign sovereign wealth funds, in some cases involving hundreds of millions of US dollars, without adequately clarifying the background to them.
    • The sovereign wealth funds' assets were typically invested through specially created intermediate structures. BSI supported the development of these structures with the aim of achieving a higher level of confidentiality for the investment activities. Ultimately, however, BSI was therefore unable to determine how these assets were invested.
    • This was recognised by some within the bank and flagged up as an issue. In 2012, one employee of the bank sent the following communication to management: "My team is implementing these transactions without really knowing what we are doing and why and I am uncomfortable with this. […] there should be a stronger governance process around all this." However, no further action was taken by the bank in this regard.
  • The client advisor responsible for these relationships was repeatedly notably uncooperative in terms of compliance, particularly in dealing with the inadequate clarification of transactions. Management was aware of the situation but gave their support to the client advisor instead of the Compliance department. Consequently, no corrective action was taken and bonuses, for example, were unaffected. In fact, the opposite was the case. The client advisor in question was one of the bank's top earners. 
  • Exceptions to the bank's internal rules were made for important clients and justified as special client service. Management was informed, but took no action to monitor these exceptions.
  • Overall, the management of the BSI Group during this period did not adequately supervise its subsidiary in Singapore, even though they had close and frequent contact and the Group's executive management was represented on the subsidiary's Board of Directors.
Summary: FINMA has therefore come to the following conclusions: The deficiencies identified constitute serious breaches of the statutory due diligence requirements in relation to money laundering and serious violations of the principles of adequate risk management and appropriate organisation. BSI was therefore in serious breach of the requirements for proper business conduct. Right up to top management level there was a lack of critical attitude needed to identify, limit and oversee the substantial legal and reputational risks inherent in the relationships. 

FINMA orders the disgorgement of profits and launches proceedings against individuals

In addition to taking action to restore compliance with the law, FINMA has taken the following measures:
  • Disgorgement of illegally generated profits: The serious breaches of supervisory law linked to the client relationships the bank maintained over the period under investigation enabled it to charge high fees. FINMA has ordered the disgorgement of illegally generated profits in the amount of CHF 95 million. The money disgorged will go to the Swiss Confederation. 
  • Clarification of individual responsibility: In enforcement proceedings launched in May 2016, FINMA is investigating two former top managers to determine what they knew about these breaches of the law, how they behaved and their individual responsibility. FINMA reserves the right to launch further such proceedings.

FINMA approves full takeover of BSI by EFG with conditions

At the same time as the closure of the proceedings, FINMA has approved the full takeover of BSI by EFG International under the condition that BSI must be completely integrated and dissolved within 12 months. None of the BSI top management responsible for the misconduct will be allowed to take up leadership positions at EFG. This takeover is a positive development providing clients and employees with a perspective for the future.

Good cooperation between authorities

The transactions described above were executed between banks in a variety of jurisdictions and across several continents and financial centres. FINMA therefore worked together with several foreign regulatory authorities when conducting its investigations. Cooperation with Singapore's financial market supervisory authority (the Monetary Authority of Singapore, MAS) was particularly intensive. It carried out on-site investigations at the BSI subsidiary in Singapore in parallel to FINMA's proceedings and identified comparable control failures there. MAS has also informed about its intention to withdraw the BSI's local licence and impose a fine of approx.13 million Singapore dollars (approx. CHF 9 million). In Switzerland FINMA has worked closely together with the Office of the Attorney General, which has also launched criminal proceedings.

FINMA acknowledges the positive cooperation of the newly installed directors of BSI during its investigations. 

Contact

Tobias Lux, Spokesperson, Tel. +41 (0)31 327 91 71, tobias.lux@finma.ch

My blog has gained a readership in China: Chinese seem especially interested in Penny Wong's Malaysian citizenship

by Ganesh Sahathevan


Ganesh Sahathevan is happy to report that his Realpolitikasia blog has recently gained a readership in China.
This new readership appeared for the first time when these two stories were published :


Friday, December 8, 2017

Australia's Penny Wong claims to have internal Malaysian Home Affairs and Foreign Affairs correspondence which proves she is not a Malaysian citizen

by Ganesh Sahathevan





Australia 's Senator Penny Wong has recently   released documents concerning her citizenship.
These include the letter below (click to enlarge) from the Malaysian Citizenship Department, which comes under the Ministry Of Home Affairs addressed not to her but the Second Secretary , Malaysian High Commission Canberra, which appears to acknowledge that she is no longer a Malayasian citizen.





Malaysian readers in particular would  recognise this as  highly confidential inter-departmental communication , which is seldom if ever provided anyone, even the person who it concerns.
Wong has also attempted in her declaration to distance herself from her Malaysian citizenship, admitting in her documents to only being "possibly Malaysian",despite her birth, Malaysian citizenship, and Malaysian IC.
END

Saturday, December 9, 2017

Penny Wong took steps to CONFIRM Malaysian citizenship by applying for a Malaysian National Identity card,which has been retained by the Malaysian Government

by Ganesh Sahathevan




The documents submitted Parliament by Senator Penny Wong Yin Yen show that Wong had in addition to her Malaysian birth certificate a Malaysian National Registry Identity Card (NRIC).

The possession of a NRIC makes her declaration of being "possibly Malaysian" misleading at the very least for the NRIC ,unlike the Birth Certificate is not automatically issued, but has to be applied for. The application has to be made in person, and is a ritual that Malaysian children undergo when they turn 12. A Malaysian child who has reached the age of 12 must register for the identity card.

The reference to Wong's NRIC is in the Malay words " No Kad  Pengenalan". Paragraph 2 shows that the NRIC has been retained by the Malaysian Government. 





So may think that all that does not matter, given this letter which apparently conforms Wong is no longer a Malaysian citizen. However as previously reported ,this document would normally be considered a highly confidential government document ,which would not be made available to anyone outside of Government. 

And then there is the matter of its contents...........

END 


Saturday, January 27, 2018

PetroSaudi's Turki Abdullah remains in Saudi "most high security" prison, Al-Ha’ir,unable to deal in that "donation" to Najib

by Ganesh Sahathevan

While Al-Waleed and others have since been released after reaching financial settlements with the 
Saudi Government, it appears that Turki Abdullah remains in jail:

Sources told the news site that nearly 60 detainees were transferred to the most high security prison in the Kingdom. The prisoners include Prince Al-Waleed Bin Talal as Prince Turki Bin Abdullah and a number of government officials who refused to make the large financial paymentsfor their release.
Saudi Arabia has used the Al-Ha’ir prison to detain political activists demanding reforms, as well as terrorism suspects. Two days ago, authorities transferred 11 princes who had gathered outside the Al-Hakam Palace in Riyadh to the prison.
Turki's inability to make a deal has probably to do with the fact that  his "donation" has since disappeared,spent on diamonds for Miranda Kerr, political donations .........
END 





"Donor" Prince Turki Received US$77 Million From 1MDB EXPOSE!

"Donor" Prince Turki Received US$77 Million From 1MDB EXPOSE!

Nawaf Obaid - always willing to give a 'Saudi insider' explanation to western journalists.
Nawaf Obaid – always willing to give a ‘Saudi insider’ explanation to western journalists.
When foreign news journalists asked Najib’s media coordinator, ex-APCO man Paul Stadlen, last week for the name of the Saudi Royal, claimed to have donated RM2.6 billion to the PM’s election effort, he disappointed them.
Sadly, the Saudi royal family did not wish to reveal any further information, he explained.
On the other hand, Stadlen urged journalists to check out a very ‘insightful’ BBC article, which claimed that the donor was none other than the former King Abdullah, who died last January, acting together with his 7th son, Prince Turki.
The gift came partly from the King’s own money and partly from the coffers of the State of Saudi Arabia itself, added the BBC’s Middle East defence correspondent, who later admitted to Sarawak Report that he knows nothing about Malaysia.
“The $681m (£479m) deposited in the bank account of Malaysian PM Najib Razak by Saudi Arabia was to help him win the 2013 elections, a Saudi source says…. The Saudi source said the donation was made amid concern in Riyadh about the influence of the Muslim Brotherhood…The well-placed Saudi source, who has asked not to be named, told the BBC the payment was authorised from the very top – from Saudi Arabia’s late King Abdullah – with funds coming from both his personal finances and state funds.”[BBC – Saudi gift to Malaysia PM Najib Razak ‘for election campaign‘]
Few journalists in KL are in any doubt as to who “the well-placed Saudi source, who has asked not to be named” was.
It is widely agreed by a chortling foreign press corps that the ‘deep throat’ could only have been Nawaf Obaid, one of the few ‘strategic analysts’, who talks regularly to the western press in Saudi Arabia.
Indeed, Western journalists who have to report on Saudi matters are very grateful for the garrulous Nawaf, who set himself up as a one-man strategic analyst after doing his BA at the War Studies Department at Kings College London and has now obtained a Fellowship at Harvard.
The Telegraph’s Con Coughlin has reportedly lauded him as one of the best sources in the Middle East and the following day he too was penning an article along remarkably similar lines to the one from the BBC, where again he referred to  “one senior Saudi source”, whom he said commented:
“It is not unusual for Saudi Arabia to make donations like this. It happens all the time to help moderate Muslim governments to remain in power so that they can provide regional security tackle the extremist threat.”
Really?
Coughlin’s single sourced claim contrasted markedly with feedback obtained by papers with journalists on the ground, like the Wall Street Journal, which reported that Saudi officials had denied any knowledge of such an individual payment, which was described as “unprecedented”.
NAAFI's story was snatched upon by the Telegraph to attack its political enemies in the UK
Recently concluded? Nawaf”s story was snatched upon by the Telegraph to attack its political enemies in the UK
Nevertheless, to have two mainstream publications swallow the story hook line and sinker that King Abdullah had kindly given Najib a secret personal US$681 million dollar donation through an off-shore BVI account, in order that he could illegally rig an election, was manna to UMNO spinners and the BBC ‘corroboration’ in particular appeared in numerous articles internationally.

Nawaf’s record as a paid spinner for Najib 

Sarawak Report has, of course, already exposed Nawaf Obaid as one of numerous agents hired by the Prime Minister’s Office over recent years to ‘spin’ against Najib’s political enemies in the western media.
The line up - Jho Low left, Prince Turki 2nd left and Tarek Obaid 2nd right - on the yacht they hired and pretended belonged to the Sauid Prince!
The line up – Jho Low left, Prince Turki 2nd left and Tarek Obaid 2nd right – on the yacht they hired and pretended belonged to the Sauid Prince!
Last month we documented in detail how the supposedly objective insider, was getting monster kick-backs behind the scenes for doing PR favours via his ‘briefings’ of foreign journalists and through “Op Eds” in newspapers, which he arrogantly claimed to be a master writer of, compared to Najib’s official media teams.
We have evidence of payments of over US$1.7 million to Nawaf, in what appear to have been a wider pattern of transfers from his brother Tarek Obaid, in return for his involvement in a campaign to defame the opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim in the media and in US government circles after 2010.
Please send my brother a million dollars out of that money I got from 1MDB
Please send my brother a million dollars out of that money I got from 1MDB
For the money Nawaf, who did indeed hold a Saudi official post at that time, was also used to access favours for Najib, who was attempting to create an impression of a close personal relationship with the Saudi King.
Yet, when Najib together with Jho Low attempted to engage Nawaf in a plan to organise a visit by King Abdullah to Malaysia and to get the Arab Royal to lend him US$10 billion in 2011 at low interest rates, Nawaf sneeringly dismissed them as fantasists “on drugs”.
“No No N, just ask for 1 Trillion dollars in this case and save everyone the hasstle! Someone is taking some sever and I mean sever DRUGS!” (sic) [Nawaf to brother Tarek]
Even so, five years later the same characters are trying to convince the world that King Abdullah did after all ‘donate’ Najib a 2 billion ringgit bung, on a basis of a couple of short audiences that were achieved in Riyadh.

The Prince Turki connection and his US$77 million kick-back

However, this is not the only respect in which Nawaf Obaid is a deeply compromised source upon which to rely on matters relating to Najib and 1MDB.
Because Nawaf’s brother is none other than the same Tarek Obaid, who was the Director of PetroSaudi, the company which is now being investigated by the Swiss and Singapore authorities, along with the FBI and Serious Fraud Office, for acting as a front to siphon hundreds of millions from Malaysia’s 1MDB development fund.
The money that was paid to Nawaf by Tarek can in fact be traced to the tens of millions of dollars Tarek netted in kickbacks from Najib’s ‘official advisor’ Jho Low, originally looted from 1MDB.
The definitive diagram - pulled together from the documents by The Edge
The definitive diagram – pulled together from the documents by The Edge
It was for this reason that Sarawak Report told the BBC that any claim emanating from the single source of Nawaf Obaid should be treated with extreme caution.
A particular give away in the single source-based reportage was the hint that Prince Turki bin Abdullah, the now deceased King’s 7th son, was somehow involved in this generous payment to Najib.  Because Turki also is deeply compromised by the whole affair, in that he is the other 50% Shareholder of PetroSaudi and, like Tarek, he was handsomely rewarded with enormous kickbacks out of money extracted from 1MDB.
The money trail (above) obtained from data from PetroSaudi’s own emails (thanks to the now jailed whistleblower Xavier Justo) shows that the Prince, who was by no means personally wealthy as has been implied, received at least US$77 million from the deal.
Here are the confirmations sent by JP Morgan Swiss to PetroSaudi after they handled the payments:
Further payments brought the total to US$77 million from Tarek's JP Morgan account which received hundreds of millions from Good Star and 1MDB
Further payments brought the total to US$77 million from Tarek’s JP Morgan account which received hundreds of millions from Good Star and 1MDB
Payment notice to Tarek Obaid by JP Morgan
Payment notice to Tarek Obaid by JP Morgan
Therefore, the idea put forward by the BBC article that Prince Turki, who is described as having “extensive business interests in Malaysia”, was partially the ‘donor’ of Najib’s windfall is laughable.
Far from donating, Turki has looted money from Malaysia!
It has made the Prince vulnerable to pressure, as the people around Najib have sought desperately to find a convincing Arab to pose as the donor, however. The story going round KL is that it was indeed Prince Turki, who was introduced to the Deputy Prime Minister and to MACC officials as the source of the money.
On the basis of these private assurances, backed by no published evidence whatsoever, both parties have now publicly announced that they have ‘met the donor’ and are ‘satisfied’.
Unsurprisingly, the Prince is said to be adamantly resisting any more public show on the matter.  Nor has any proof been obtained that the money came from him, beyond his Royal word, which we have shown was already bought for US$77 million.

Sarawak’s ‘Islamic extremism’ problem?

It is perhaps not surprising therefore that the single-sourced information obtained by the BBC and Telegraph appears to be full of uniformed nonsense to those who know something about Malaysia.
For example, the statement by the BBC that most of the money allegedly provided by the Saudi King was spent on projects to prevent Muslim extremism from developing in Sarawak, is laughable.
“The purpose of the donation was simple, said the Saudi source – it was to help Mr Najib and his coalition win the election, employing a strategic communications team with international experience, focusing on the province of Sarawak, and funding social programmes through party campaigning.
But why should the Saudis care about an election in a non-Arab country more than 6,000 km (3,700 miles) away? The answer, the source said, lay in their concerns over the rising power of the Muslim Brotherhood, which they consider a terrorist organisation.” [BBC, “Saudi gift to Malaysia PM Najib Razak ‘for election campaign’]
As everyone who knows knows, Sarawak is predominantly Christian and the Muslim rulers installed by KL protect their base by condemning bigotry.
Yes, much of the money was spent on vote-buying is Sarawak, according to all reports, but the bribes in Sarawak were to secure BN’s so-called “safe deposits” in the isolated rural seats in these backward states, in order to shore up their loss of support in West Malaysia and in the urban areas.
It had nothing to do with Islam, but it provoked the appropriate response from certain western journalists who are focused on terrorism. Well done Nawaf?

Fingerprints

The Muslim Brotherhood label carries clear fingerprints leading to Nawaf.  It is the accusation that Najib’s PR people have used for years to tarnish the now jailed opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim’s image amongst liberal allies in the West.
Sarawak Report has already provided emails to show that Nawaf Obaid was also commissioned to spin this accusation on behalf of Najib.  It is therefore not at all surprising that he appears to have dragged it up again to try and explain the so-called donation.
On a previous occasion, Nawaf was less lucky in convincing responsible journalists, who had bothered to seek corroboration for his Muslim Brotherhood line against Anwar.
The BBC’s Jeremy Bowen told him in a email in December 2010:
“the most common response I am getting is from people who suggest this is another attempt to damage Anwar Ibrahim’s reputation”.
After which the frustrated spinner emailed his brother to complain “how difficult it has been to get a serious news organisation to run with this subject”















Show email
From:
nawafobaid@aol.com <nawafobaid@aol.com>
Date:
23/12/2010 11:57
To:
Tarek.Obaid@Petrosaudi.com
Close email
TO :-
You should at some point also show this to your “accidental” friend to show him
how difficult it has been to get serious news organization to run with this subject.
Only do this when the stories start coming out!
NO
—–Original Message—–
From: Jeremy Bowen <jeremy.bowen@bbc.co.uk>
To: nawafobaid@aol.com
Sent: Thu, Dec 23, 2010 2:51 pm
Subject: Re: Update
Nawaf
Sorry for delayed reply.
Unfortunately I have been rather ill, not working now for almost a month (though I did do an obituary for my colleague Brian Hanrahan).
Anyway I’m now much better, and have found your email. My chasing of your dossier was on hold while I was on my sickbed.
As yet, the most common response I am getting is from people who suggest this is another attempt to damage Anwar Ibrahim’s reputation.
I am also struck by the fact that Saleh Kamel appears to be as much the subject of the dossier as Anwar Ibrahim.
Anyway I continue to try to corroborate but thus far don’t have anything I can take to air.
Even if I did, I would not be able to get it on until the New Year. Our news programmes shrink during the holiday period and won’t be back to normal until the first week of January.
Hope you escaped our snow.
Best wishes to you and your family
Jeremy
Fromnawafobaid@aol.com [mailto:nawafobaid@aol.com]
Sent: Thursday, December 16, 2010 09:26 AM
To: Jeremy Bowen
Subject: Update
Jeremy :-
Any updates? I have not heard back at all from you and wondering
what happened? Please let me know cause this is a priority for us
especially with the backdrop of the cables leaks and the sensitivity
of the assessment?
Thanks,
NAWAF


But last week Nawaf scored big time with the Daily Telegraph’s Con Coughlin, who even developed the theme in order to condemn the foreign policy of the British Labour Party, whom his newspaper politically opposes:
‘..the really intriguing fact to emerge from the year-long investigation, has been the revelation that the accusations actually related to a secret payment made by Saudi Arabia to help Mr Najib win the 2013 election campaign.
Ever since the emergence of Islamic State (Isil) in Syria and Iraq, Left-wing critics such as Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn have consistently accused the Saudis of funding Isil and other Islamist extremist groups.
But what the Najib investigation demonstrates is that the opposite is the case, and that, rather than funding extremists, the Saudi government has been quietly supporting moderate Muslim leaders around the world as part of their attempts to combat the global threat posed by Islamist-inspired extremism.” [Telegraph “Saudi Arabia funds moderate Muslims, not Isil. Extremism is on the rise in South East Asia. Of course the Saudis want to stop that”.]
This is what the world of media spinners would describe as a bullseye for Nawaf and one can only imagine the invoice he might have subsequently put into the Malaysian PM’s Office.  Media Coordinator Paul Stadlen will have been happy to pay, it seems, as he re-parcelled the material around his Malaysian media network.
Najib warrior Rajah Petra Kamaruddin was soon trumpeting the Telegraph analysis
Najib warrior Rajah Petra Kamaruddin was soon trumpeting the Telegraph analysis
However, when Sarawak Report attempted to call Mr Coughlin to put him right about this latest canard, he sadly slammed down the phone before we had a chance to finish introducing ourselves.
http://www.sarawakreport.org/2016/02/donor-prince-turki-received-us77-million-from-1mdb-expose/

Sunday, January 21, 2018

Thailand, Indonesia can seek damages from DFAT for sex abuse of their children: The matter of DFAT's "ped division" ignored by Peter McClellan's RCI despite public call for investigation

by Ganesh Sahathevan


"I formed the opinion that Foreign Affairs was involved in a huge cover-up of (pedophilia by its officers in SEA) and I just don't know why."

The quote above attributed to Australian journalist Derek Francis, who worked in Phnom Penh in the 90s was published in The Sun Herald on 28 April 1996.There were other allegations published in the mid 90s but these were not investigated.

As The Australian's Nalalie O'Brien put it in her 2004 article :

ALLEGATIONS of pedophilia made against diplomats seven years ago were never properly investigated, according to the whistleblowers who gave information to the Australian Federal Police.

Former foreign affairs officer Alastair Gaisford said police did not investigate all the allegations he made in 1996, and at least three of the diplomats he named now held senior positions with the department.

Mr Gaisford said the allegations were contained in a letter he wrote to the AFP on February 3, 1996. It was never determined if any of the allegations were true.

A police spokeswoman said yesterday that an investigation was opened that year regarding the sexual exploitation of children. She said police were currently investigating a number of people and would not comment further.

A spokesman for the Department of Foreign Affairs said yesterday there had been no new allegations of pedophilia made since 1996.

A departmental inquiry was set up after former Victorian Liberal MP Ken Aldred made claims in federal parliament about pedophilia in the department.

The inquiry, Management Response to Allegations of Pedophile Activity within the Foreign Affairs Portfolio, headed up by Pamela O'Neil, was not required to investigate the veracity of claims of pedophile activity among officials.



In December 2014 The Sunday Telegraph reported :


A FORMER Jakarta-based diplomat has urged the government's royal commission into child sexual assaults to include an investigation into the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, claiming it was involved in &quot;paedophile cover-ups&quot; 30 years ago.
"The South-East Asia division was then known as the 'ped division'," Shane Carroll, 62, who spent 23 years with DFAT, said.



It would be naive in the extreme for  DFAT to assume that the governments of Thailand, Indonesia, Cambodia and other countries in South East Asia are not aware of the cases of pedophilia  in their countries which involve DFAT employees, especially when the matter has been so widely reported.
It is not unlikely that those government would (if they have not done so already) pursue DFAT and the Australian Government for damages, for the harm done to their children. They are likely to do what Peter McClellan's RCI into child sex abuse has refused to do.
END




DEC
26

 

by Ganesh Sahathevan


This is an excerpt from Molly Carson's "More Cloak Than Dagger: One Woman's Career in Secret Intelligence"




(Source Molly Carson's "More Cloak Than Dagger: One Woman's Career in Secret Intelligence" page 122)
The incident would have occurred sometime between 1955 and 1962. Government departments ,including the Department Of Foreign Affairs ,are institutions ,even if Peter McClellan's Royal Commission Into Institutional Responses To Child Sex Abuse  gives the impression that the Catholic Church is the only institution that matters.As mentioned in my earlier article , child abuse like any other activity ,requires resources to fund it,and government institutions like the Department Of Foreign Affairs provides a very good source of resources for sexual escapades, especially when the activities are better conducted offshore ,for example in Thailand, the Philippines, Vietnam or Sri Lanka, to name a few of the more  obvious destinations.
Ms Carson's book was published in 2016, and it received a lot of publicity, It is hard to see how that detail above escaped Peter McClellan's RCI.
END 



Friday, January 19, 2018

1MDB theft pursued by the DOJ's Criminal Division,pursuing "Malaysian officials", and "corrupt 1MDB officials": -Testimony before US Senate

Comment 


Reproduced as is: 





In the Malaysia matter - the largest single action ever brought under the Initiative - the Department filed a complaint in 2016 to forfeit and recover assets associated with an international conspiracy to launder more than $4.5 billion stolen from the country`s sovereign wealth fund, known as 1Malaysia Development Berhad, or 1MDB. The Malaysian government created 1MDB to promote economic development through international partnerships and foreign direct investment, with the ultimate goal of improving the lives of the Malaysian people. However, corrupt 1MDB officials treated this public trust as a personal bank account. Between 2009 and 2015, those corrupt officials and their associates took more than $4.5 billion from the development fund in four phases. These funds were laundered through a complex web of opaque transactions and fraudulent shell companies with bank accounts in countries around the world, including Switzerland, Singapore, Luxembourg, and the United States. The funds were then used to purchase approximately $1.7 billion in assets that the Department seeks to recover, including a $261 million, 350-foot yacht; a $35 million jet; masterpieces by Van Gogh, Picasso, and Monet; and a motion picture company that used the funds to finance, among other things, the production of the films ``The Wolf of Wall Street,`` ``Daddy`s Home,`` and ``Dumb and Dumber To.`` MLARS and the U.S. Attorney`s Office in Los Angeles filed civil complaints targeting assets that, according to court documents, were misappropriated and diverted by Malaysian officials and their associates from 1MDB. In June 2017, the Department announced additional steps to forfeit and recover assets, bringing the total assets subject to forfeiture in this case to more than $1.7 billion. If the United States is successful in court, we will forfeit this more than $1.7 billion in property, liquidate it, and, ultimately, return as much as possible to the citizens of Malaysia.


(Source: U.S. DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE ACTING DEPUTY ASSISTANT ATTORNEY GENERAL, CRIMINAL DIVISION M. KENDALL DAY, PREPARED TESTIMONY BEFORE THE SENATE BANKING, HOUSING AND URBAN AFFAIRS COMMITTEE HEARING ON COMBATING MONEY LAUNDERING AND OTHER FORMS OF ILLICIT FINANCE: ADMINISTRATION PERSPECTIVES ON REFORMING AND STRENGTHENING BSA ENFORCEMENT, AS RELEASED BY THE COMMITTEE - NEWS EVENT)