by Ganesh Sahathevan
As previously reported:
It has also been reported :
Clearly, Anwar and Malaysia's history of jihadism is of no interest to Australia's Prime Minister Anthony Albanese and his Foreign Minister Penny Wong (who,being female Chinese and lesbian stands out among Anwar's Islamist allies). For isnatnce ,in the 90s then finance minister Malaysia Anwar Ibrahim provided financial and material support for his teacher Hassan Al-Turabi's National Islamic Front, contributing in no small way to the bloodshed that continues even today. Despite that record, Albanese and Wong believe that working with Anwar they will bring peace to the Miidle East.
END
Reference
A)
On financing petroleum exploration activities, (National Islamic Front ,Sudan leader Hassan al-Turabi) said that the Islamic Movement [when he was in power] did not spend on it from the budget and that the financer was a Canadian of Pakistani origin, in addition to Malaysia's Deputy Prime Minister who he said was a fellow-student of his by the name of Anwar Ibrahim
(Source Sudan: Islamist Leader Launches Verbal Attack on Bashir Government Sunday 13 January 2008 Asharq Al-Awsat)
B)
The key players (in Sudan) are the China National Petroleum Corporation, Malaysia's Petronas and the Canadian
Talisman Energy which, together with the Sudan government, form the Greater Nile Petroleum Operating Company consortium, controlling 60 per Sudan's oil industry.
All could be well, if only these companies did not oil the wheels of conflict: China produces affordable AK-47s, ammunition, mortars and rocket-propelled grenade, which have found a ready market in Khartoum;
while Malaysia has in the past provided a training base for the pro-government National Islamic Front militia."
(Peter Kiman,Sudan, Somalia - A Refugee Mess. 19 March 2003 All Africa (c) Distributed via COMTEX News.Copyright The Monitor. Distributed by All Africa Global Media(AllAfrica.com)
C)
IV. ARMS TRANSFERS TO THE GOVERNMENT OF SUDAN
China
The People’s Republic of China, which has sold arms to successive Sudanese governments since the early 1980s, became one of the country’s principal arms suppliers in 1994 and remained so into 1998, largely because China had what Sudan wanted and attached no conditions, other than monetary ones and oil concessions, to their sale. Chinese weapons are relatively cheap, and much of what Sudan has been purchasing is fairly old stock. In perhaps one of the most significant transactions, China is said to have sold the government of Sudan SCUD missiles at the end of 1996 in a deal underwritten by a $200 million Malaysian government loan against future oil extraction, according to a high-level Sudanese defector, who claimed the deal, which he said he witnessed, was arranged by Sudan’s state minister for external relations, Dr. Mustafa Osman Ismail.83 SCUD missiles are notoriously inaccurate medium-range rockets that have been used against civilian population centers in past conflicts, such as the 1980-88 Iran-Iraq War and the 1991 Gulf War.
The government of Sudan began to increase its purchases of new weapons from China under the Nimeiri government, according to ex-Sudanese military officers based in Eritrea who were in the government of deposed president Sadiq al-Mahdi at the time these transactions took place.84 But these and other purchases have risen in the 1990s due to Sudan’s enhanced capacity to pay for new arms as a result of financial support from Iran and Malaysia and enhanced international credit based upon efforts to exploit the country’s oil reserves. Weapons deliveries since 1995 include ammunition, tanks, helicopters, and fighter aircraft. According to at least one published report, in late 1995 China supplied the government of Sudanwith fifty Z-6 helicopters, a hundred 82mm and 120mm mortars, and other equipment.85 Sudan reportedly also bought six Chinese Chengdu F-7s (MiG-21s) financed by Iran.86 In 1997, the government of Sudan also was reported to have a new type of Chinese-made, light-weight antitank weapon in its arsenal—probably a Chinese copy of the Russian SPG-9—mounted on two wheels that could be pulled by hand by soldiers.87 One Sudanese army defector, formerly with an air defense unit, claimed he witnessed Chinese experts assembling Chinese-supplied jet fighters at the Wadi Saydna base north of Omdurman in 1993.88 China also became a major supplier of antipersonnel and antitank mines to Sudan after 1980, according to a high-ranking government official, who claimed, however, that Sudan has not received any new landmines since 1993.89
Ethiopia
Ethiopia provided the government of Sudan with a fleet of T-54 and T-55 Soviet-model tanks and other equipment in 1992, according to Jane’s, after rebels there deposed the government of Lt. Col. Mengistu Haile Mariam. The arms were said to have been bartered to Khartoum for food.148
83 Human Rights Watch interview with Abdelaziz Ahmed Khattab, The Hague, November 15, 1997. Khattab also claimed, in a written statement, that the Malaysian national oil company was used as a cover to ship arms to Sudan: “Arms deals agreed upon have been shipped by sea in the name of the Malaysian National Petroleum Company and that of the Chinese National Petroleum Company, under the guise of petroleum exploration equipment according to an agreement concluded between the government in Khartoum and these companies in Kuala Lumpur under which they provide weaponry and military equipment in exchange for being given concessions for oil explorations.” “Statement by the Administrative Attaché, Embassy of Sudan, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia: To the People of the Sudan and World Public Opinion,” signed by Abdelaziz Ahmed Abdelaziz Khattab, the Netherlands, September 29, 1997. Human Rights Watch has been unable to independently confirm this allegation. The Canadian oil company Arakis Energy Corporation is known to have been involved with a number of partners in an oil-exploration and development scheme in Sudan, the Sudan Petroleum Project, since November 1996. According to news reports, two of Arakis’s partners in the project, China National Petroleum Corp. and Petronas, the Malaysian state oil company, have covered start-up costs, giving credit to Arakis for its spending from 1993 until the formation of the consortium in November 1996. In July 1998, Arakis’s attempt to raise enough funds for its share in the development appeared to be faltering. Jeffrey Jones, “Cash crunch may force sale of Canada’s Arakis Energy,” Reuters, July 7, 1998. See also, “Arakis Announces 1997 Results,” Company Press Release, Business Wire, Calgary (Canada), April 1, 1998
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